Geopolitical interests of different powers in the Chittagong Hill Tracts.

The current geopolitical instability in the CHT and the separatist situation have ample evidence of the influence and involvement of obvious foreign powers (Shelley, 1992, Hossain Zin, 1991). The region's mixed population and enormous geopolitical importance have prompted various regional and remote hegemonic forces to keep an eye on the region. India, China, the United States and the ECG are being encouraged to sniff out this delicate regional interior of Bangladesh in order to create or retain their sphere of influence in the Indian Ocean and adjacent geographical areas. Most recently, various news outlets have reported on the interest of seemingly innocent countries like Japan in the Far East and Australia in the Far East. Japan is also reported to be providing financial support to separatists in the Chittagong Hill Tracts, the current economic superpower. According to political observers, in the wake of the recent rise of nationalist consciousness in the world, the Indian Ocean and South and Southeast Asian regions That awareness of Japan to maintain. Australia is keeping a close eye on the Chittagong Hill Tracts in the interest of controlling or reducing India's influence in the Indian Ocean region and maintaining balance of power, and is trying to put pressure on Bangladesh by raising human rights issues. Below is a brief discussion of the relationship between the interests of a few powers in the Chittagong Hill Tracts.

Bangladesh's interest.

The interests of Bangladesh's existence are involved with the Chittagong Hill Tracts. The Chittagong Hill Tracts are one-tenth of the sovereign territory of Bangladesh. This sparsely populated region is vital and essential for the resettlement of the growing future large population of Bangladesh with its small population. This hilly region with rich potential in the economy of Bangladesh, which is severely deprived in terms of natural resources, can be called the 'Land of Promise' of Bangladesh. Bangladesh's largest and richest forests, the most potential source of hydropower generation, the potential for fruit production and the potential for undiscovered mineral resources have made the CHT an integral part of Bangladesh. Geopolitically, the region has given strategic security or Strategic Defense and Thickness to Chittagong region (including Cox's Bazar) which is the second largest metropolis including the main seaport of Bangladesh. Except for the Chittagong Hill Tracts, the entire greater Chittagong region will become a piece of narrow, elongated, permeable land. (Thin, Elongated and Vulnerable land). Due to the fact that almost all the rivers of Chittagong flow over the Chittagong Hill Tracts, the isolation of this region would endanger the water supply, navigation, navigability of the Chittagong seaport and the existence of hydropower supplied from Kaptai in the greater Chittagong (including Cox's Bazar district). Above all, the existence of about five lakh Bengali-speaking poor and middle class living in the Chittagong Hill Tracts is also linked to the question of Bangladesh's sovereignty in the region.

Myanmar's interests
The present border of Myanmar with Chittagong Hill Tracts of Bangladesh is about 160 km. Most of the tribal people of the Chittagong Hill Tracts migrated from Myanmar to Bangladesh only one or two / three centuries ago (Hutchinson, 1906 and Burman 1985). The religious, linguistic and cultural characteristics of the various tribal peoples of the region bear considerable resemblance to those of the various peoples of northern and northwestern Myanmar. At present there are different ethnic groups in those parts of Myanmar, especially the Karen, Raehinga, Shan, Chin and other tribes. Engaged in separatist war. Moreover, the activities of the communist guerrillas were also observed in the area. Myanmar's current relationship with Bangladesh is very bad on the issue of Arakanese Rohingyas. In this situation, Myanmar has to keep a close eye on the entire area in order to maintain its existence. However, in the current turbulent and uncertain situation in the country, it is not possible for the needy Myanmar to play any hegemonic role in the Chittagong Hill Tracts.

India's interest
India is the most active force behind the current separatist situation in the Chittagong Hill Tracts (Shelley, 1992; Rahman, 1994; Hossain, 1991 and Rob, 1991). There is ample evidence of India's direct involvement in organizing the Chakma separatists, organizing them, providing them with weapons, providing terrorist training and supporting them in international forums (Rob, 1991). In the Chittagong Hill Tracts, there are huge geo-political and strategic interests of India. During the partition of India in 1947-48, the Indian Congress demanded the annexation of the Chittagong Hill Tracts (Tayab, 1966 and Ahmed, 1954). At present, India is one of the powers in Asia and a potential superpower of the future. From the Bay of Bengal to the Indian Ocean, India has been able to establish itself as a regional power (Bindra, 1982). But at present in different states of India especially Punjab, Kashmir, Tamil Nadu, Assam, Manipur, Nagaland, Mizoram, Gerkhaland (Darjeeling) etc. Secessionist Movements are very strong. India is particularly concerned about the current trend of Seven Sisters States of India in the Northeast. The strategic and geopolitical weakness of the Indian subcontinent was particularly acute when India suffered a crushing defeat at the hands of China in the Sino-Indian War of 1962. In just 2/3 days, China took over the entire northern part of Greater Assam (northern part of the Brahmaputra river). Moreover, the existence of that inconvenient, geo-strategic region of India could be completely endangered if a future enemy-minded neighbor Nepal or Bangladesh sided with China in such a future conflict (Sukhwal, 1971). At present Assam is united in Assam, Nagaland, Manipur and Mizoram IS CFT '(United Liberation Forces of Assam-ULFA) 998 Other nationalist guerrilla organizations are engaged in a war of independence or separatism against India. India struggles to send or maintain rapid supply to these remote states. In the event of a future change, if Nepal or Bangladesh or China closes the narrow 'Siliguri Corridor' connecting the entire seven northeastern states to the mainland of India, India's dominance in that region could easily end. In view of these circumstances, desperate for India, the only way to connect the landlocked northeast with the sea route is through the port of Chittagong in Bangladesh or any convenient place on the coast. The state of Tripura has to be at the forefront of its thinking. Nearly industrialized and technologically advanced India easily established a floating port on the shallow south coast of the Bay of Bengal (near the base of Chiringa Malumghat in Ukhia or Chakoria) and traversed only 13/14 km of Bangladeshi land (forcibly or under 25 years contract). Able to reach Chittagong Hill Tracts. Now only Chittagong Hill Tracts can be India's geo-strategic dream , The only way to succeed. That is why India, with all its might and sincerity, is helping the so-called ‘peacekeepers’ to achieve its future dream. India, one of the world's poorest and most indebted countries, has long been hosting nearly half a million Chakma refugees in government camps in its northeastern states. Evidence of India's direct involvement can be seen in the descriptions of the members of the peacekeeping forces who surrendered to the Bangladesh security forces and the list and brand of their weapons (Rahman, 1990 and Shelley, 1992). Moreover, India's main rival China also has to establish access to the Bay of Bengal in the same way if it wants to enter the Indian Ocean from the Chittagong Hill Tracts only 600/750 km from Yunnan border in future. Which India will not be able to tolerate. So India has to take the path of its own occupation and rights in advance. But there is no special possibility of implementing this hegemonic vision of India. This is because the Mongol peoples of the remote hill country of Mizoram, Manipur, Tripura or Nagaland have a strong anti-India attitude and have been fighting for independence for a long time. In addition, the conscious Bengalis of Bangladesh and other places and especially the Muslims are not ready to tolerate the slightest misconduct of India. Any Indian intervention in any established inland or coastal territory of Bangladesh is bound to lead to a bloody war. Under these circumstances, India will not dare to take any direct or major risk regarding the future of Chittagong. Of course, India, like Farakka, will only try to use the "Chakma problem" as a key to success to put pressure on any nationalist government in Bangladesh.

China's interests.
After the collapse of the Soviet Socialist Empire, China, a huge powerhouse in Asia, is slowly preparing itself as the main future rival of the United States, the only superpower of the present age. Despite being a major power in Asia, China is deprived of direct access to the blue waters of the Indian Ocean due to its geographical and geographical location. India, on the other hand, has been able to establish its influence in the Indian Ocean with its nuclear submarines and aircraft carriers (3). The nearest link to China to enter the blue waters of the Indian Ocean is just 80 miles or about 100 km south of the Chusi Valley bordering Bhutan bordering southeastern Tibet. You have to cross the plains to get the benefit of Mongla or Chittagong port which is 600 to 700 km away. In this case, China will have to deal with India, which is currently undergoing extensive military preparations. Moreover, it does not seem that Bangladeshis of foreign ethnic Chinese will be able to show hospitality for long. In order to reach China permanently at the entrance of the Indian Ocean with less hassle, it travels from Yunnan Province on the northeastern border of Myanmar to the southwest and then to the west about 900 km to the remote mountainous and sparsely populated Myanmar and Indian (northeast) lands. You have to cross the division and enter the Chittagong Hill Tracts. And from here you can easily reach the port of Chittagong only 50-60 km away or the shores of the Bay of Bengal a little further south. In this case, the ethnic Mongolian ethnic minorities in the hilly regions of Myanmar, India and Bangladesh can easily accept the ethnic (Mongolian) indigenous Chinese. It is to be noted that the tribes of that region have never been able to recognize the artificial political boundary of India-Bangladesh-Myanmar created by the British-Indian Yundabo Agreement of 1826 (Vung, s. G. 1968). The ethnic groups of China, Arakanese (Chakma, Marma, etc.) of northern Myanmar, Mizo of India, etc., were basically of the same ethnic group. The Karen, Kachin, Shan peoples of that region of Myanmar and the ULFA and other separatist tribes of India have a lot of communist guerrilla activities. Naga, Lusai, Manipuri and the accused with all the guerrillas

There is a large contingent of Chakma peacekeepers in the Chittagong Hill Tracts. It is to be noted that the Jana Sanghati Samiti, the forerunner of the peace force in the CHT, was originally a party controlled by the pro-Chinese communists (Amin, 1988/89). It is known that the indigenous Mongol peoples in the highlands of northeastern India, the Chittagong Hill Tracts of Bangladesh, and the north and northwest of Myanmar want to form a large "Confederacy" type independent United States (Burman, 1983). The size of that planned independent state of the future will be several times larger than all of Bangladesh. The future makers of that state will also keep a sharp eye on the coastline of Chittagong in case of need of sea connection route. The Chakma separatist organizations in the CHT are known to have links with various regional guerrillas and communist groups (Sukhwal, 1971 and Burman, 1983) It can be assumed that it is continuing its efforts to spread its dominance in the region.